On Saturday night, the 1st of August, a masked terrorist entered the LGBT youth club BarNo'ar (“Youth bar”), located in a cellar in Tel-Aviv, and opened fire with an automatic weapon, killing a teenager, Liz Trobishi (16) and a guide, Nir Katz (26). Quoting Mike Hamel, chairman of the Israeli LGBT Association : “This is the reality - when the LGBT community is under constant attacks and people experience homophobia in their everyday life”. This “hate crime”, a terrorist act, is the most severe homophobic attack in Israel’s history. This attack joins other daily violent homophobic attacks, attempted murders, murder cover-ups and pressures influencing cases of suicide. The attacker has escaped capture thus far.

Soon after the attack, hundreds gathered, close to the murder scene, to mourn and protest. Later on, those gathered, including LGBT and other activists from Socialist Struggle Movement (CWI in Israel) and Hadash (Communist Party – led front), began to march, and were joined by more and more protesters along the way. Marching through main roads in Tel Aviv, the protesters reached the city's LGBT community centre. Amongst other slogans, the protesters chanted: “Inciting homophobes - children's blood is on your hands”, “Gays and Lesbians want to live in this city”, “Fighting for equality – smashing the closet”, “All of us together with pride and no fear”, “A gay marches here with no fear”. The march stands as a principle statement that homophobic incitement and terrorism will not pass quietly, it should be repaid with a fight. The next day multiple demonstrations and marches took place countrywide.

Since the attack, the number of organized events of countrywide LGBT grief, solidarity and protest increased – many led by independent initiatives of political activists. Parallel protests of solidarity took place in Europe and the USA. Apart from the mass rally in Rabin Square, Tel Aviv, more demonstrations are planned. Prior to the rally, a protest of about 200 people was organized by an independent initiative, and included many young LGBT participants. Mourning protesters also marched in the centre of Be'er Sheva, a city which has never hosted a pride parade. The mourning march was held despite apprehension of some elements within the LBGT Association leadership, recommending, at first, not to hold the march. It would have been tragic to stop at this point. Facing de-legitimization, incitement and terrorism, the struggle must intensify.

Thanks to the demonstrations and the opposition against the attempts at silencing, the public support in the LGBT struggle in Israel is as wide as ever, and many LGBT people have entered political activity spheres for the first time. This is an opportunity to develop the struggle and to lead it to significant achievements. Socialist Struggle Movement (CWI in Israel) calls for the immediate organization of a major demonstration in Jerusalem. This will be able to supply an adequate answer to the severe incitement coming out of the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament) each year against the pride parade in the city, and will clarify that there is no intention to compromise on the struggle in Jerusalem. This struggle is neither against religious nor ultra-orthodox people; it is also for religious and ultra-orthodox LGBT people, most of whom are forced to hide their sexual orientation.

The cover-up will not pass

Unsurprisingly, the protests faced scorn by the police and institutional media, who blamed the protesters for jumping to conclusions, or as put by an official of the Tel-Aviv police: “They rushed with the memorial rally and with all the slogans against the inciters. It is still completely unclear whether there isn't a personal motive behind the murder, rather than a desire to attack the gay and lesbian community”. Similar words were spoken by the chief of police, even though the very same police rushed to order the closure of all LGBT clubs in Tel-Aviv immediately after the attack.

The police complain about the very idea of accusing homophobic inciters. This is hidden institutional homophobia. In a terrorist attack, committed in Mercaz HaRav Yeshiva in Jerusalem [6th of March 2008], the police didn't try to present the least probable scenario as a logical one by arguing, for example, that it might have been a case of unrequited love between a Palestinian and a teacher of the institute. Police efforts or any other institutional efforts to calm the spirits are never found in cases where an attack is suspected to be on nationalist grounds; such suspicions are regularly used by the establishment for cynical nationalist incitement. There is no doubt that the approach of the establishment to this attack is essentially different, and even if and when the attacker is caught, the harshness of the punishment is not assured.

The complete details for the background of the attack are unclear yet, but it is a case of a planned and indiscriminate shooting directed toward LGBT youth. How does the claim of “personal motive behind the murder” settle with the fact that the terrorist tried to slaughter as many of the youth in the club and knew where he was going?

Not only is it almost certain that the killer had a homophobic motive, but the entire situation should be viewed as a result of a harsh reality of homophobic violence in society, existing despite all the great achievements of the LGBT struggle in Israel during the last two decades. Frameworks dedicated for LGBT youth activities began to form during the 1990's as a result of the extreme efforts of activists, mainly from the Israeli LGBT Association, who through personal experience knew the extent of repression, seclusion and violence experienced by LGBT teenagers. The youths who were shot with live ammunition were compelled to gather secretly in a cellar in the center of Tel-Aviv due to this brutal social reality, tragically reflected in the fact that the parents of some of the victims learned about their sexual orientation only at the hospitals, and others parents chose to stay in denial, and some kept away from their own children. These courageous youths symbolize but the tip of the iceberg of numerous boys and girls who are still secluded and trampled upon.

The crocodile tears of the inciters

Due to public pressure by the strong protest, developed as a result of the strong protest, the prime minister and other ministers and representatives of the major political parties were forced to condemn the attack; they try to portray themselves as leaders of those worried about the oppression of LGBT people in Israel, as if they do not hold any responsibility for the oppression themselves. Israeli president, Shimon Peres, who prior to the stabbing at the pride parade in Jerusalem in 2005 declared that “the homos have crossed the border” and that he opposes holding pride parades anywhere in Israel, comes to deliver a speech in the mass rally at Rabin Square. Shas (a political party representing ultra-orthodox Sephardi/Mizrahi Jews) is one of the leaders of the campaign of hatred against Israeli LGBT people, and is responsible for preparing the ground for bloodshed. The Shas faction in the Tel-Aviv council claimed to be “shocked, hurting and condemning the murderous event against the Proud community.” Alongside Shas, condemnations were also heard from the “United Torah Judaism” (an ultra-orthodox Ashkenazi Jews party), and the Chief Rabbinate of Israel, who are also responsible for homophobic incitement (this is while Yona Metzger; president of the Chief Rabbinate Council, and Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of Israel; was accused of sexual harassment of men a number of times in the last few years).

Many parts of the establishment find it more convenient to give lip service and condemn the murder separating it from the grave social context, and those who do refer to hatred of LGBT people try to deny their own responsibility to the situation. It is important to observe the sharp condemnations made by representatives of the Likud, Kadima, and Ha`Avoda (Labour) within a wider practical context.

Elements within Kadima and HaAvoda who condemn homophobic remarks every now and then, but when observing the big picture, alongside Likud, both these parties are regularly involved in mutual hand-washing with right-wing religious parties. Not only are they responsible for acquiescence to the regular vituperation expressions by their coalition partners, for supporting the funding of homophobic institutions, they are also active participators in preventing significant legislative reforms, and occasionally are partners to homophobic incitement, even if spoken in a softened manner.

The major establishment political parties cannot be found in any pride parade, and as an expression of homophobia, they oppose holding a pride parade in Jerusalem. Olmert (Kadima) said so explicitly when he was prime minister, whilst MPs from Kadima supported the “Parades Bill” (an amendment to “Basic Law: Jerusalem”), which was passed in a preliminary vote in the Knesset (parliament) on the 6th of June 2007, and was intended to allow the municipality of Jerusalem to ban parades and demonstrations more easily.

Shaking off the system’s responsibility

Leader of the parliamentary opposition, Tzipi Livni (Kadima), spoke in a memorial and protest rally held the day after the attack (2nd of August) close to the murder scene. She said that “this hate crime should be a turning point and give strength to a child to come-up to his parents and say: 'mom and dad, I'm gay or I'm a lesbian'... this day should give the strength to every parent to accept his child just the way he is, and love him just the way he is”. What has Kadima done to eliminate homophobia and the oppression of various communities, and by that ease the great pressure applied to LGBT adolescents and their parents? Livni called for “self examination within the state's leadership – true and profound: have we done enough to prevent prejudice and incitement?” The reality is that the major established political parties contributed to prejudice and incitement, and were never prepared (and will never be prepared) to declare a genuine all out war against the inciters of hatred of LGBT people and against the far right – who work among them and serve them as political allies.

Former minister of education, Yuli Tamir (HaAvoda) used similar words: “the burden is now on us all; on the parents, first and foremost on the parents; not to deny, not to look the other way, not to try to cover up, not to push into the closet”. By focusing on the personal responsibility of the parents, Tamir blurs the major responsibility of the political establishment, and of her own party, for the strengthening of the far right and for fostering the existing “social closet”. As a serving minister of education, Tamir consented to the “Israeli Gay Youth (IGY)” organization requests for cooperation with the education system, while her government incited hatred of LGBT people in an extreme and life-threatening way as a response to the attempts of organizing a pride parade in Jerusalem, and even made an effort to thwart it. Tamir herself led a brutal attack against the teachers, who are supposed to be a part of the solution to phenomena such as homophobia.

Harvey Milk, was the first openly gay politician elected to public office in the USA. A biopic about Milk's life was released in 2008 following the impressive struggles of recent times against homophobia in the USA. Milk was inspired by social struggles and demonstrated the importance of struggles and the solidarity with them. Before being assassinated, he left a political will: "If a bullet should enter my brain, let the bullet destroy every closet door." In contrast to the aforementioned political preaching, Milk tried in this way to recruit people to a wider struggle and also took part in it.

The responsibility is not first and foremost of the parents, but first and foremost of the system’s authorities, those in the ruling elite who encourage and maintain homophobia, as they do sexism, racism, and nationalism, whether for the purpose of “divide and rule” or to appease and please far right-wing elemments. The terrorist attack, along with the incessant incitement and the other eminent attacks in the last few years and months (in Eilat, Tel-Aviv, Haifa and Jerusalem), illustrate that despite the relative achievements in Israel, there is still a long way to go in the struggle against the oppression which causes this social phenomenon of the closet.

The writing for bloodshed is still on the wall

The homophobic stabbing committed by an ultra-orthodox Jewish settler in the pride parade held in 2005 in Jerusalem, occurred at a peak of an incitement with which all establishment political parties participated one way or another. The consequences of that attack are felt to this day. Back then, in response to the incitement campaign which succeeded in postponing the world pride parade, planed to be held in Jerusalem, a record number of about 8000 marchers took part in the Jerusalem pride parade which was held in main streets in the city. As usual they marched under threats, swearing and the throwing of various objects [including stink bombs] from the counter-demonstrations of the ultra-orthodox far right. In that event the terrorist did not succeed with murder, but really harmed the parade in Jerusalem.

The rising incitement wave was not answered by an uncompromising struggle or by additional demonstrations and marches, but by a dangerous retreat. Following the continuous massive organizing of the ultra-orthodox right after the attack, which included severe riots in Jerusalem, the world pride parade was finally cancelled and the annual parade of 2006 was delayed and eventually cancelled and replaced by a rally in a closed site. A bomb exploded near the West-Bank Separation Wall close to the town of Beit Shemesh on April 2007, intended to warn the organizers of the Jerusalem parade, and a few weeks later far-right activists held a demonstration with animals which they named “the beasts’ Parade”, and government ministers made homophobic comments. Ever since, the pride parade in the city has been pushed from the main to the side streets and shortened to a mere symbolic walking distance to the entrance of a closed and secluded location. Facing the campaign by the Open House [The Jerusalem Open House for Pride and Tolerance], in collaboration with other LGBT organizations and other struggle organizations calling for a principled mobilization to join the struggle might have made a difference.

The far right won achievements, which is one of the reasons that most ultra-orthodox sections in the far right decided that this year they have no need for counter-demonstrations. Moreover, strengthened by the achievements open attempts were made to thwart the annual parade in Tel-Aviv, which in the recent two years far-right activists feel comfortable enough to protest against within the city. The terrorist attack in Tel-Aviv was committed on the background of the strengthening of the far right and with it organized homophobia. It constitutes a horrific and bloody reminder that the writing, warning of future attacks, is still on the wall, and in order to erase it the struggle must continue and make significant achievements on a countrywide level.

An attack on democratic rights

Homophobia is fueled by the strengthening of the far right. Bibi [Prime Minister Netanyahu] lied in his response to the attack saying that Israel is “a democratic country of tolerance and we must respect every person for what he is.” Beyond the responsibility of this government to severe attacks on holocaust survivors, senior citizens, working people and the poor, it is notable that during the terrorist attack, the Tel-Aviv police had it's hands full reinforcing the special “Oz” unit for the deportation of immigrants in south Tel-Aviv. This was shortly after a demonstration was held on the site against the government's plan to deport immigrants along with their children. A day after the terrorist attack, the Jerusalem police brutally evicted Palestinian families out of their East-Jerusalem homes, to be occupied by Jewish settlers.

These attacks are closely related to the LGBT struggle. The current far-right government, including all of its elements, endangers and damages the majority of the population in Israel and the Palestinian territories. LGBT people are assaulted by the policy of the ruling capitalist parties, both for being LGBT – discriminated and threatened – and both as workers, poor, unemployed, students, pensioners, women, Arabs, immigrants, etc.

The social crisis deepens and the rage and frustration it enhances in people are being exploited by various parts of the ruling elite to incite against communities and groups, which are already oppressed and discriminated against, accusing them of causing all the ailments in society, to spark a dispute among them and to increase prejudice.

Sadly, there are liberal elements who, in response to the attack, incite against the entire ultra-orthodox community. It will be impossible to completely uproot the sources that plant and feed homophobia in society without LGBT people who are religious, atheist, Jewish, Arab, Israeli and Palestinian struggling side by side, and struggling along with ‘Straights’. Homophobia will not be uprooted without uprooting the sources of sexism, racism and xenophobia, because the parallel chauvinistic phenomena directed also against some LGBT people, weakens the various social struggles, including the struggle against oppression on the background of sexual orientation and gender identity. The government's attacks on democratic rights – e.g. free speech and the right to organize and protest – which are intended to harm mainly Israeli-Palestinians citizens, also harm all other struggles. Alternatively, united struggles against oppression, persecution, exploitation and discrimination will strengthen them and allow them to achieve a decisive victory.

Rights are taken. Rights are not granted.

Hatred of LGBT people will not disappear on it's own. It will not disappear without a serious struggle. History dictates that rights are acquired through struggle, they should be demanded and rightfully taken, and they cannot be expected to be received as charity. Whoever believes the condolences sounded by representatives of the major political parties, and expects to receive a big hug from the establishment will wake up to realize that an establishment that tramples teenagers of immigrant families, discriminates Arab, Ethiopian and Russian youth, and kills Palestinian youth – LGBT and others – cannot truly ensure the future of LGBT youth in Israel... but rather the opposite.

All those politicians from the large capitalist parties who are now flattering and sympathetic, will keep on taking their natural place alongside their political allies from the religious far-right, and will give their hand, by acquiescence, to harsh homophobic incitement; they will recite the words “now is not the time” for separation of religion and state, for harsh penalties to homophobic inciters and discriminators, for a full recognition of civil marriage of “Straight” and “Homolesbian couples, to pride parades in the heart of Jerusalem and the entire country, for adding lessons against homophobia and sexism to the curriculum of every school in every sector of society, etc.

Liberal politicians and some LGBT people who found their way into the elite, and some of them can be found in the leaderships of primary LGBT organizations, have tried in the past to create the illusion that the struggle in Tel-Aviv has already succeeded and is over. Today, quite a few of them are trying to dissolve the protest and to join the calming voices, with the aspiration not to deter policymakers and mainstream establishment elements. However, without protest, it is reasonable to assume that the attention from these senior politicians would have been much smaller.

To this day, the significant achievements of the LGBT struggle in Israel and in the rest of the world did not emanate from the kindness of governments. Nor did it rise from the attempts to become endeared by the same elements in the establishment that conceive pride parades and anti-homophobic protest as provocation. The significant achievements were based on the results of organized struggle. The same liberal politicians and some leaders of the community that currently oppose protest measures, and some of whom even try to recuperate the collective grief of the attack, are liable to keep preaching for the need to compromise with the right wing while people's lives are being trampled and endangered.

Supportive political parties

Meretz was the only one so far to include openly gay and lesbian MPs in the Knesset, and was the leading party to promote legislation for equal rights to LGBT people. On the other hand, over the years, Meterz participated in governments including Shas (even though it portrays the LBGT struggle as one between secular and ultra-orthodox) and other far-right elements, where serious compromises with them hinders the social struggle needed for achieving major legislative reforms (such as separation of religion and state, with all its implications) and to significant social achievements (thus, for example, Meretz objected in the past to holding the pride parade in Jerusalem.)

In addition, public support in Meretz crashed in the last few years, as a result of its inability to present any alternative to the major parties: Meretz holds a clearly capitalist agenda and participated in a series of attacks on the workers and the poor in Israel. Its nationalist orientation led it to support the 2006 Lebanon war and the massacre in Gaza. As a result, many of its voters couldn't find any fundamental difference between Merez and Kadima, led by Livni. For these reasons, Meretz is incapable of suggesting a serious struggle plan for eliminating homophobia.

Hadash which today has a larger representation in the Knesset than Meretz, should transmit a clearer, sharper and unambiguous message. The LGBT “Red-Pink Forum” in Hadash is conducting important explanatory work. The MP Dov Khenin states his support in the struggle openly and consistently. He also rightfully said that the pain must be translated into determination and struggle. But it is vital that Hadash also helps to expose the role of establishment politics, to warn about the illusions within it, and will not refrain from publicly criticizing the same establishment elements which now try to dissolve the struggle. Furthermore, the announced anti-homophobic principled stance is recognized only with some parts of Hadash, and sadly the stance is harder to spot in Hadash propaganda in the Arab language. The Arab MPs in Hadash do not pronounce it, and are traditionally absent from pride parades and LGBT protest events. It is important that Hadash, like every other party and struggle movement interested in significantly promoting the LGBT struggle, take an unambiguous organizational stand and renounce, if required, any homophobic element within it.

Socialist Struggle Movement supports the formation of a militant new large party, which will be active on the ground on a daily basis, connect between the different social struggles and struggle formations, fight against the “divide and rule” between working people and oppressed groups, and lead a wide campaign against homophobia, sexism, racism, and against the systematic oppression fostered by the capitalist society, and toward a socialist and democratic society.

We won't forgive and won't forget – we’ll struggle and not escape!

Ever since the 1970's, inspired by the Stonewall riots in the USA, time and time again Israeli LGBT people assembled against oppression through various formations (starting at the foundation of the LGBT Association in 1975), and in many events for visibility and protest – the first anti-homophobic demonstration was held in Tel-Aviv 30 years ago. Facing homophobic violence and brutality from the police and civilians, defense shifts and headquarters were formed and then these have lead to anti-homophobic lectures in the police academy. In 1998, Israeli police arrived at the “Whigstock” event in Gan HaAzma'ut (“Independence garden”) in Tel-Aviv, where policemen wore latex gloves. In addition, the police also tried to sabotage the event. The participants reacted with an historic demonstration, some reckon as the “Israeli Stonewall”. Led by transgender militants (as in the American Stonewall), the protesters marched from the event, which was shut down by the police, up to Rabin square, where they demonstrated and replaced the Israeli national flag with the freedom flag with its rainbow flag. Police brutality did not end there, but today in public events the police are less daring and are compelled to co-operate, to some extent, with the organizers.

Thanks to determined grassroots activity, important juridical and legislative achievements against discrimination have been accomplished in the last two decades, and in the last few years pride parades were held in more cities in Israel [a significant achievement since gay pride day was first marked in Tel-Aviv in 1993]. But from many aspects, and especially in the social plane, the struggle is still in its early stages. The murderous shooting spree in BarNo'ar is a reminder of that. Not only is legal discrimination still here... the homophobic violence is also. The hatred of LGBT people is here – as illustrated by the incidents of gloating recorded after the murder. “Straight” chauvanism (heterosexism), maintaining that heterosexual relationship is supreme and preferable over homosexual relationship, is still rooted deep in society as a part of an artificial role-division between genders. The far right, both religious and secular, interested in maintaining the closet in society – is still here.

The protests in reaction to the attack are a serious and justified blow to Israeli homophobia, and they illustrate the potential for greater achievements. In LGBT movements, many feel that the steps taken by the LGBT Association are not enough; and a democratic discussion (on the web and in direct meetings) began to evolve, regarding the next steps required for the struggle. This move hoisted a number of independent initiatives, and even led to the formation of a wide organization under the title “The Pink Communities Coalition”, which announced that: “Israel is marketed in the world as a democracy of freedom and equality, while the 'gay community' is presented as an outstanding example of this equality. We are not interested in taking a part of this dangerous illusion. We call for an essential change in the social agenda.”

The independent demonstration of LGBT teenagers in Rabin square just a few days after the attack, included independent speeches and a democratic discussion. The demonstration was held without any representatives of major political party, and sadly without the approval of the LGBT Association, some elements of which tried to convince the organizers to cancel the event. The LGBT youth, promised by so many to be protected after the attack, was left in the square with minuscule police security; and outrageously, the police deserted the event during its course, by that demonstrating police priorities, especially with the terrorist is still running free.

However, such initiatives, including joint planning and independent organization, are the key to harnessing more activists and widening the struggle for making social, judicial and legislative achievements against homophobia and for people’s right to live as human beings, free and equal. Solidarity with more social struggles will be able to leverage this struggle, and to finally win it through social revolution, which will uproot oppression and smash the closet.

Socialist Struggle Movement supports and participates in the protests in response to the terrorist attack and calls for:

• Full participation in the demonstrations planned across the country, for continuing the development of democratic discussion regarding the following steps, and the encouragement of independent initiatives, especially by teenagers.
• Organizing a major anti-homophobic demonstration in front of the Knesset, against the incitement to homophobia and racism coming from most of the MPs.
• Declaring the 1st of August as an official memorial day to all victims of homophobia in Israel, for the purpose of including public events, which will enhance public visibility and the participation of activists.
• Preparation for a major pride parade in the centre of Jerusalem and for non commercialized parades in other major cities, and if required under security organised by the protesters. We call to support the organising of gay pride events in the Palestinian territories as well.
• Public campaigns by LGBT organizations, workers unions, teachers unions, students unions, and communal organizations against homophobia, sexism, and racism at workplaces, on campus, in school and in neighborhoods. A demand for municipal/governmental funding for the campaigns, and for educating against homophobia, sexism and racism as a part of the mandatory curriculum of all the schools in the country.
• Cooperation between various movements of struggle in a campaign against the far right and against the capitalist, homophobic and racist government, in order to block the oppressive measures taken against different groups in society and the financial attacks launched upon the workers and the poor.
• Complete governmental funding to all support centres for LGBT youth, allowing the replacement of the framework of volunteers with a framework of full-time public servants, and stop the dismantling and privatizing of social services.
• Complete separation of religion and state. Allowing civil marriage and divorce for all couples, without discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation, religion, nationality, or ethnicity. Complete equality in all fields, specifically at work and in the family, including raising and adopting children.
• Abolish poverty and want (including in ultra-orthodox neighborhoods) – which constitute a fertile soil for incitement based on prejudice – by massive governmental investment in quality jobs, services and infrastructure.
• Supplying political asylum to LGBT people fleeing from or banished by the Palestinian authority, as for all refugees withoutl means [as opposed to wealthy capitalists] who request political asylum. Stopping all aggressive military, economic and political steps taken by the Israeli government, in the false pretext of security measures, against the Palestinian population and other states in the region.
• A foundation of a large, active socialist party which will serve as a tool to the struggles of working people and various social struggles, and will be able to lead the struggle for replacing the capitalist system of oppression and exploitation, which will throw homophobia, sexism and racism into the garbage bin of history.